We Wrecked the Place: Contemplating an End to the Northern Irish Troubles

I have not yet read very much of this book. I ran across it in the library last weekend, read a bit of it, and mentally filed it as one I should get a copy of. I just heard the author on a news program, and that influenced me further to get a copy. I really look forward to finishing it now. One of the previous reviewers really angered me. If the IRA are fascists, what were O'Duffy's blueshirts? And for that matter, what about Paisley's followers??? That is just the sort of ignorant drivel I would expect from a more than likely English individual who is too cowardly to sign his name. Not only that, I seem to remember accusations from various quarters that the IRA were Maoists, or some other kind of communists, in the not too distant past. I have not always approved of the methods used by the IRA- I personally believe that violence can be used much more intelligently and effectively than has frequently been the case. However, those decisions were not mine to make, and I'll be damned if I'll criticise any military commander without stepping into his (or her) shoes, especially after the fact. Judging from the fact that nearly all Englishmen to whom I have been introduced have made derogatory remarks and/or addressed me with racial slurs as soon as they heard my name, the English obviously still hate us as part of their culture. Apropos of that, anyone resident in the six counties who wants to be British should move to England. There are plenty of us exiles around the globe who would be glad to take their place once Ireland is again united. My family came from Donaghadee, Co. Down. My great-grandmother grew up there, and she used to tell myself and my grandfather (her son) that we would all go back to visit someday "when the British are gone". She died in 1982. My grandfather died four years later. My hair is turning grey, and the flag of the sassenach still flies over my native land, a land I have never even seen. Just to forestall a criticism I have frequently heard from citizens of the Irish Republic, who tell me that they don't care about the north and I don't have the right- they have their Ireland. Those of us in exile (yes, even those of us born in exile...), and those unfortunate enough to still live in the occupied six counties do not. I am NOT too cowardly to sign my own name; it is: Liam Stewart Williamson a.k.a. Dimestore Liam [email protected]

Stevenson does an outstanding job providing a backdrop to the current political and social culture of Ireland for the American reader. He describes Ireland's troubled history siting specific watershed events, rhetoric form all sides as well as the major laws that created the political climate the troubles stemmed from. This book is a quality read for anyone interested in understanding why Ireland is divided, and a must read for all Irish Americans.

This book is fantastic. Stevenson's understanding of Irish politics makes this book an invaluable addition to the scholar's bookshelf while keeping it accessible to readers who may be unfamiliar with the intricacies of Irish history.

The heart of Mr Stevenson's book is the personal history, much of it told in their own words, of thirty-one Northern Ireland terrorists and ex-terrorists--fourteen republican, seventeen loyalist. Along the way Mr Stevenson fills in all the necessary details of recent history, and a good deal of more general historical and social matter. Mr Stevenson is an American who lived in Belfast 1993-1996. He has written a very good, very worthy book.The first thing I want to know about a book on the Irish "Troubles" is: does the author make excuses for terrorism? Nobody who has seen terrorism at close hand can believe that it is a proper method in the pursuit of any goal, nor that unrepentant terrorists are fit people to govern any polity. In this respect Mr Stevenson is clean, his moral sense absolutely sound--an unusual thing among American writers on Ireland. While offering full coverage of the frequent nastiness and illegality of the British state's counter-terrorist actions, and of the cruel viciousness of "loyalist" terrorism, he knows--and shows--Sinn Fein/IRA for what it is: the last (it was also one of the first) of the European fascist parties. No matter who you are--Irish, British, republican, loyalist, Protestant, Catholic--if you disagree with Sinn Fein, they do not disagree politely back (except, of course, on American TV): they break your legs. Then they go and break your mother's legs. That is the reality behind Gerry Adams' unctuous smile. "Ah, but they're only trying to get back their lost land," murmur the apologists. This is like saying that Al Capone was only trying to make a living--an equally true statement. It's a question of METHOD.Here are the actual trouble-makers of the Troubles. The broad picture Mr Stevenson assembles from his portraits is familiar to anyone who has followed the course of events; but it is told with an admirable objectivity and an appealing undercurrent of optimism--not only optimism for this poor tortured piece of land, but for the possibilities of individual human redemption. In spite of the occasional atrocities of 1996-7, Mr Stevenson believes that the real violence is over, and that the hard men of both sides are struggling to adapt to constitutional methods. I hope he is right

Jonathan Stevenson goes right to the people who "wrecked the place" and explodes the myth that paramilitaries are common criminals out for personal gain. Based on interviews with more than a dozen former paramilitaries - both Pro-British and Pro-reunification - Stevenson looks at where that much disputed corner of the world, Northern Ireland, is headed in the coming years. Of course, a certain amount of reflection on the past is necessary in such an endeavor, and to his credit, Stevenson does his utmost to present a balanced view of the past. For the most part, he casts no judgement on the men and women with whom he speaks, but rather lets them explain in their own words why they did what they did, whether they would do it again, what would be necessary to prevent its recurrence and where, regardless, they think things are going. It is a fascinating discussion, and one of the few times that American followers of the events in Northern Ireland have the opportunity to hear from loyalist activists - the ravings of Ian Paisley notwithstanding. Stevenson's interviewees include some political staffers, community activists, academics, a nurse, a business owner, and a born again Christian. Their views of their own violent acts range from remorseful to unapologetic. But the vast majority of those interviewed, on both sides, seemed to be motivated not by personal gain or some naturally violent streak but by a passion to protect and strengthen their communities. The tradegy, of course, is that they could not, and indeed, many still cannot, see themselves as one community. Stevenson, an American reporter, presents a somewhat simplistic analysis of the situation. At times, his attempt at even-handedness glosses over aggregious wrong-doing. His narratives in "We Wrecked the Place" will provide little new to the experienced reader, though are a good starting place for those not well-versed in the details of the Northern Ireland situation. What is truly an eye-opener for any reader of this book is the chance to hear the operatives themselves talk about the situation and its promise for the future. "We Wrecked the Place" offers no grand designs for a solution, but the increased understanding that one may gain from this book may contribute to such a design yet.