In an effort to provide policy-makers and the general public with a clearer view of the problem of non-voting and possible solutions, the author of this book addresses questions such as why is voter turnout generally so low?, and, does low turnout significantly affect the nature of contemporary US politics'.
As is true of most writers on this subject, Mr. Teixeira starts with a bias: that low U.S. voter turnout is a problem in need of a solution. And the book is, of course, somewhat dated, preceding the "motor voter" law, the 1994 "Republican Revolution" and the election debacle of 2000. But the author's analysis of the "problem" and his proposals for "solutions" are more thorough and carefully documented (mainly by polls) than most, and worth reading for that reason. Teixeira provides evidence that the described decline in voter turnout since 1960 is due more to a perceived lack of benefits from voting (particularly what he describes as "the ongoing process of political disconnection") than to the costs of voting, mainly negotiating the "onerous" system of registering to vote (although he sees easier or even automatic registration as the single most promising route to increasing turnout - a view not well supported by motor voter and other initiatives). Of course, the sine qua non of books on this subject is the case they make for non-voting actually being a problem, a detriment to democracy, etc. Teixeira sees 2 problems: First, the weakening of the democratic legitimacy of the government. One has to wonder what he would say about this in the context of the greatly increased partisanship, corruption, and arrogance of American government in the past 15 years, an atmosphere in which many politicians are very upfront about the fact that they don't need no stinkin' legitimacy. And second - despite the author's acknowledgement that most of the time, low voter turnout rates have little effect on election results or the policy preferences communicated to "elites" - that in the long term, the needs and concerns of those less likely to vote (the less educated, minorities, lower income groups, etc.) will be significantly less well-addressed by government if turnout does not improve. Again, one wonders what Teixeira would say in the face of much-discussed indications that a significant number of lower-middle-class Americans have supported George Bush and his right-wing agenda, despite policies which demonstrably work against their own economic and social interests. In short, this is a nice try, but it falls short of winning the cigar. Still, those interested in the subject should find the time and effort invested in digesting this author's evidence and arguments well spent.
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