Over Here: The First World War and American Society

"Over Here" is an important and clearly-written work in a much-neglected area of historical inquiry--the homefront during time of war in foreign lands. It provides a nice supplement to the classic accounts of WWI that focus more on the battlefields, like Barabara Tuchman's "The Guns of August." Over Here describes the unthinkable degree of xenophobia and repression of dissent that the Wilson administration, particularly Postmaster General Albert Sidney Burleson and Attorney General Thomas W. Gregory, directed and encouraged, and recounts horrible tales, such as the Prager and Goddard incidents, that should live on forever as warnings against future state support of vigilantism and "100 Percent Americanism." This is especially relevant these days in light of Attorney General Ashcroft's war on civil liberties and the revival of the specter of 100 Percent Americanism by the famous xenophobe Pat Buchanan. While today's assaults on liberty are not yet nearly as dastardly as those during WWI, Over Here's historical record serves as a clear warning against repeating past errors and a stunning indictment of the enemies of open society, past and present. The book also stands as a caution against the dangers of concentrated government power, particularly during wartime, and of excessive and naive confidence in the capacity of the government to do good. It confirms the Libertarian Harry Browne's warning: "Beware of politicians with good intentions." President Wilson was a Progressive former professor who came to office with optimistic views on improving the lot of the common man by expanding the role of government in domestic affairs and actively promoting peace in the world. Early in his administration, Wilson's words inspired hope in socialists and other leftists around the world. It is particularly credible, therefore, when a fellow progressive/liberal academic like Professor Kennedy describes how, in practice, Wilson did not have the courage of his convictions and some of his ideas turned out not to work as well in the real world as they did in the lecture halls of academia. His behavior as President was characterized by trepidation and cowardice. Instead of prosperity and harmony at home and peace and unity in the world, fledgling labor unions and leftist dissent were ruthlessly crushed at home and the world remained bitterly divided after the end of a brutal and demoralizing war. Instead of progress for workers and a "war to end all wars," the international left was disillusioned and the seeds were sown for a second, more devastating war to come. Over Here is a great work of scholarship that is also eminently readable and concise, so that both the historian and the layperson should enjoy it immensely. Despite the author's progressive slant, he applies a light touch in the book that should make it palatable for most conservatives, largely leaving the reader to make one's own conclusions, though the case is made sufficiently strongly that the con

Although it probably has broad appeal given the topic and the fame of its author, this book is not aimed primarily at a broad audience; it is first and foremost a work of historical scholarship, by a serious and talented historian. Even so, and as full of analysis and information as this book is, it is eminently readable and is likely the defining book on the social effects of World War I in the United States. It is, in short, an extraordinarily fine work of academic history.In the years preceding American entry into WWI, Progressivism dominated the political and social landscape. Advocating any number of platforms--from prohibition of alcohol and women's suffrage, to the causes of labor and agriculture, Progressives were extremely active. At the root of their activism, in a sense, was what the role of the federal government was and what it would be. In many ways, as Kennedy points out, World War I weighed in on this question in favor of greater government involvement. During the war, the US government entered a number of spheres of American life and exerted a controlling influence.And yet, for this involvement and for the promise it held for the pursuit of Progressive ideals, the war effort left much undecided, and following the war, much of the gains were lost. The cause of organized labor had been gutted by wartime efforts to guarantee continued production and remained in shambles at the war's end. Prohibition gained ground, but on the whole, Kennedy argues that the cause of Progressivism and social reform suffered a serious blow as a result of the war. And the question about the government's role was far from settled; the 1920s witnessed a return to virtual non-involvement. This, along with other issues, would only find resolution during the Depression and the New Deal. In this way, then, Over Here is, indeed, prologue to his Freedom from Fear, which covers the eventual answering of many of these lingering questions--including the legitimacy of a more active federal government.Over Here is essential reading for anyone interested in modern American political and social history.

This is a good book about the First World War and American society. For a general description, see Roger Albin's review of June, 25 2000. I want to say a few words on an aspect of the book mentioned but not explained in seydlitz89's review of June 30, 1999--that the war "was an affair of the mind." It refers to Woodrow Wilson's need to overcome American disunity on the question of American involvement. As the author explains, Wilson needed to shape public opinion and to crush dissent to achieve his goals. Thus he embarked on his statist program of parades and propaganda, extreme patriotic rhetoric, moralistic calls to bring democracy to the world, free speech restrictions, police-state crackdowns on and government-sanctioned vigilantism against radical groups and draft-dodgers. As someone with an interest in the themes and paradoxes in American culture, I find the author's treatment of this war for the American mind to be utterly fascinating. It illuminates much about the the nature of America and the deep undercurrents in American thought that made the country so vulnerable to Wilson's calls for sacrifice. The author's discussion of the draft is a case in point. He quotes one government official of the time as saying after the war that "Conscription in America was not . . . drafting of the unwilling. The citizens themselves had willingly come forward and pledged their service." As there was mass draft resistance, this statement is misleading; but it is true enough: many, many men *did* voluntarily register. And one of the reasons why is contained in the statement's last word: "service." Insightfully, the author notes that it was in large part this ideal of "service" that enabled the government to sell the war to the American people. The word itself exploited a fundamental tension in American society: that between individualism and collectivism. By "at once connoting the autonomy of the individual will and the obligation of the individual to serve a sphere wider than his own," he says, this "fittingly ambivalent term" bridged and reconciled the two value systems. The draft was not called "Selective Service" for nothing. In our own age of government-promoted "volunteerism," such works of history as this book are not without contemporary relevance.

As the author writes, World War I was an affair of the mind. Here is an excellent portrait of America in 1917 with warts and all. Professor Kennedy brings many interesting personalities of that time to life including John Dewey, Randolph Bourne, George Creel and many others. This book also contains the only good discussion of economic warfare as waged by the United States against Germany during 1917-18 that I've come across. Mitchell Palmer convinced Congress to seize control of thousands of U.S. chemical patents held by German firms or individuals. This amendment was passed on 4 November 1918, just seven days before the armistice. "Shortly thereafter he sold 4,500 lucrative patents at bargain-basement rates to the Chemical Foundation, a newly minted creation of the American chemical industry. (sound familiar?) The Foundation then licensed to member firms production rights under the various patents.. . Palmer provoked the German government to complain that his policies, 'were designed to destroy Germany's economic existence upon this continent.'" His handling of the military side, including mobilization and the Meuse Argonne offensive are also insightful. His view of Pershing and the effectiveness of the AEF will rouse some scorn from those who only wish to read unquestioning tales of American superiority and genius, but that is as it should be given the actual events.

This not only an excellent book, but it contains stories and information that are critical to understanding the United States in the First World War. The trends and events of this rather short period (1917-1919) shaped much of the rest of the Century. Highly recommended not only for military history fans, but for anyone wishing to understand American society in the 20th Century. Kennedy has brought up many important points, including the role of government in the lives of Americans, and the control of the media: all issues of critical importance as we move on to the next century. Some of the events of those "far gone" times are bone-chilling, as we read about them 80 or so years along (and I'm not talking about life in the trenches of Europe!). Highly recommended.