Ending Affirmative Action: The Case for Colorblind Justice

Readers looking for an impassioned tirade against racial quotas will be disappointed. Readers who are fed up with all the impassioned tirades against and all the fanatical polemics in favor of giving certain people Most Favored Race status will find this book a welcome relief. Chapter 1 (pp. 1 - 20) makes the point that prejudice by any other name is still prejudice. It doesn't cease to be prejudice depending on which race it is directed against. Chapter 2 (pp. 21 - 38) sketches the history of the America's insistence on no discrimination based on "race, color, creed or country of national origin." Chapter 3 describes the about-face the nation did in the 1960s. "It is hard to find in the speeches or statements of civil rights leaders prior to the early 1960s any sustained interest in `preferential treatment' for blacks." (p. 42). In 1961, CORE, then a small splinter party, began to agitate for racial preferences. One thing that helped cause the about-face was rioting. "The traditional response to a riot had been to hold the rioting individuals responsible." (p. 44). A commission appointed by President Johnson in 1968 held that "white racism" was responsible. (p. 45). This began the now-accepted practice of holding the victims responsible for the crimes of racially ennobled individuals. Once the crack had been opened to preferences based on factors other than skills and performance, the dam burst and many other groups were granted Most Favored Group status until by 1990 the only group not eligible for preferential treatment was white American heterosexual males. As legal challenges were mounted and public opposition swelled, the wording of laws became more cagey: race, ethnicity and country of national origin were to be "one factor among many" in determining who was preferred. This protected the preferred groups from legal challenges and allowed them to go on doing preference-as-usual in college admissions, hiring and contracting. What most Americans do not realize is that this rather bizarre program and its rationale was only one among several that has placed this nation in great peril. If you want to read the whole story, get While America Sleeps: How Islam, Immigration and Indoctrination Are Destroying America from Within. All of these threats were started and are allowed to continue because of a change in the mind-set of American leaders and media people. The only way to save America is to change this mind-set.

This is another in a growing wave of anti-affirmative action books. It is also one of the best.It focuses on the twisted history of affirmative action and how the original purpose of the civil rights movement was respect for individual liberty without the "group rights" philisophy intrinsic in affirmative action.Bureaucrats looking for short cuts and easy solutions pushed affirmative action - without democratic legislative approval. Minority groups behaved as anyone receiving a state-sponsored benefit does - they adopted the "philosophy" and began to protect their newly discovered "rights". The fact that these "rights" had no legal basis and questionable pedigree in the cast and race-obsessed systems of India, Malaysia and Yugoslavia seemed of little consequence at the time. The term "Balkanisation" (a sad relic of Old World ethnic hatred) now has a disturbing echo in the affirmative action policies of the New World.Other reviewers may argue that affirmative action policies cannot be "unjust" because, although discriminatory, they are not designed to humiliate or alienate whites - only to benefit that amorphous group called "underrepresented minorities". The argument turns to dust when it is realised the biggest losers in the affirmative action contest are Asians. But no one wants that little secret revealed.

The fatal flaw in Terry Eastland's book is his interpretation of Justice John Marshall Harlan's famous dissent in the case Plessy v. Ferguson. Indeed, this is the same flaw that can be found in the arguments many of the opponents of affirmative action. Astonishingly, Mr. Eastland's book refers to Justice John Marshall Harlan as Justice John Paul Harlan. Mr. Eastland argues that Justice Harlan, in his dissent in Plessy, wrote "that government should not have the authority to engage in racial regulation of any kind." Mr. Eastland uses Justice Harlan's now famous statement "Our constitution (sic) is color-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens" to build a case that affirmative action violates our Constitution. Mr. Eastland, along with other opponents of affirmative action is mistaken. Contrary to the assertions of Mr. Eastland affirmative action respects Justice Harlan's "color-blind" Constitution. Like other opponents of affirmative action, such as Stephen and Abigail Thernstrom who in their book, America in Black and White, have the same flaw in their argument, Mr. Eastland misunderstands Justice Harlan's dissent in Plessy. Plessy v. Ferguson was the Supreme Court case decided in 1896 which upheld the 'separate but equal' doctrine. It was this doctrine that formed the Constitutional justification for the set of racial laws known as Jim Crow. The case arose as a result of a Louisiana law which required equal but separate accommodations aboard passenger trains for the black and white races. Justice Harlan was the only Supreme Court Justice to dissent in the Plessy case. Justice Harlan made it very clear in his dissent that he opposed Louisiana's law because it was "conceived in hostility to, and enacted for the purpose of humiliating, citizens of the United States of a particular race." Justice Harlan acknowledged that the white race was the dominant race in wealth and in power. This dominance, Justice Harlan noted, did not give the white race a superior position with regard to the rights protected by the Constitution. The Constitution, according to Justice Harlan, recognizes "no superior, dominant, ruling class of citizens. There is no cast here. Our Constitution is color-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens. In respect of civil rights, all citizens are equal before the law. The humblest is the peer of the most powerful. The law regards man as man, and takes no account of his surroundings or of his color when his civil rights as guaranteed by the supreme law of the land are involved." Justice Harlan did not object to the Louisiana law because it recognized the social, political, and cultural reality of race. Justice Harlan found the Louisiana law contrary to our Constitution because the action of the Louisiana legislature proceeded, according to Justice Harlan, "on the ground that colored citizens are so inferior and degraded that they cannot be allowed to s