America Against the World: How We Are Different and Why We Are Disliked

The title is quite misleading, because this analysis of world opinion surveys shows relatively small differences in attitudes between Americans and people in most other countries. The book sets out ambitiously, asking tough questions on the reasons behind a serious decline in respect for the United States over most of the planet. Building on the new wealth of world opinion polling data, it offers a solid data-based analysis of the problem. Much of it involves detailed comparison of these surveys, done in a carefully non-partisan, social science manner. It becomes mainly a quantitative comparison of differences, which are not really that big. In the background Kohut and Stokes also discuss qualitative differences, but this requires citing opinions of individual people. And though these personal views are the least scientific, they are also the most thought-provoking parts of the book. Perhaps most of the opinions cited concern America's internal debate over primary values, and probably this is the most relevant thing of all. For example, former U.S. ambassador to China J. Stapleton Roy claims, "The American system of checks and balances is predicated on the notion that power is corrupting. And the same principle is viable in the international community. Being the sole superpower is a dangerous position for the United States to be in".

The title of this work is somewhat misleading. While it does point towards a strong trend of disaffection of other nations towards the U.S. it is not as if they on the whole wish to go to war against American life and its institutions. They don't like the Bush Administration and they don't seem to like U.S. military intervention (Except perhaps when it comes to save them, something many, including the French and the British have long forgotten about). The European nations are less religious than Americans (Fifty percent plus over ninety- five are religious believers) less believing in the power of the individual to transform his own reality for the good, more dependent on the idea of state interference for the good of the citizen. But while Americans and the peoples of the world have real differences in the emphases they place on certain values, they are according to the authors closer in fundamental attitudes now than they were a century ago. And the difference which is a real difference between them does not seem unbridgeable. Morever while the authors are distressed by the a certain kind of anti- Americanism it seems to me it does not make too much sense to be distressed if people hate you because you are fostering democratic values, and individual freedoms. If there are totalitarian societies, and even religions which hate America for fostering democratic values, then the fault is not at all with America. However there are worrisome points made by the authors. One is that the American tendency to go it alone means it has difficulty creating the kinds of alliances it needs to create to promote international action. This is a problem as the Bush Administration struggles on in Iraq, receiving less than minimal support from many nations which should be its allies. There is another major point I do not know if the author's mention enough, the point made by Robert Kagan in his researches. i.e. that pacificistic Europe is powerless Europe and so looks with envy on an interventionist U.S. which can use its power for good in the world. The different 'power- situations' between the Europeans the U.S. dictate differences in world- views. The way out of this? Let the U.S. win the war on Terror, decisively clobber Islamic fundamentalism, solve the global energy problem and lead to a greater prosperity for all of mankind, reduce the use of fossil fuels in such a way as to minimize global- warming- go a long way towards creating a new era of peace and prosperity- and the U.S. will once again be loved as it was when it was believed in the aftermath of the Second World War- that it had helped save the world.

I found this book to be politically neutral. And I found the numerous tables, charts, and graphs fascinating. Sure, there may be some errors in the way the polls were taken (as well as in the choices of questions to ask). But Andrew Kohut and Bruce Stokes at least made an attempt to find out what people think of us. We see discussions of attitudes about religion in America, attitudes about terror, attitudes about the United Nations, nationalism, exceptionalism, and meddling in the affairs of others. And we see how those in other nations claim to feel about some of the same issues. The authors say that anti-Americanism has grown in the past few years, especially in France. That may well be true. In addition, when they discuss American nationalism, they make an interesting point: our nationalism is not much like the whining "let's-get-even" style that some folks use to respond to "humiliation." In that sense, I think it is reasonable and fair to see it as relatively benign. I also think there is a good discussion of American values and American love of freedom and independence. I recommend this book.